Peer-Reviewed Articles
10. "The Puzzle of Chile's Resilient Support for Gender Parity." With Julieta Suárez-Cao and Javiera Arce-Riffo (graduate student). PS: Political Science & Politics.
9. "Unpacking the Gendered Consequences of Protest-Driven Crises." 2023. With Julieta Suárez-Cao and Carmen Le Foulon. Politics & Gender.
Citizen protests are common political phenomena, ranging in size, kind, and impact. This essay focuses on a unique kind of citizen protest that reaches a crisis threshold: massive uprisings accompanied by violence and system-level critiques, expressed in phrases such as “It is not 30 cents, it is 30 years,” used by protesters in Chile in 2019–20. Crises meeting this definition have occurred in countries as diverse as Iceland in 2009, Hong Kong in 2019, Chile, and Colombia in 2019–21. In contrast with economic crises (Strolovitch 2013), protesters—not necessarily elites—perform the discursive work of (re)interpreting material and political conditions. Protesters’ framing of their grievances may overwhelm elite attempts to reinterpret these crises for their benefit. We argue that protest-driven crises can alter gendered opportunity structures, but outcomes are likely multifaceted and potentially contradictory.
Citizen protests are common political phenomena, ranging in size, kind, and impact. This essay focuses on a unique kind of citizen protest that reaches a crisis threshold: massive uprisings accompanied by violence and system-level critiques, expressed in phrases such as “It is not 30 cents, it is 30 years,” used by protesters in Chile in 2019–20. Crises meeting this definition have occurred in countries as diverse as Iceland in 2009, Hong Kong in 2019, Chile, and Colombia in 2019–21. In contrast with economic crises (Strolovitch 2013), protesters—not necessarily elites—perform the discursive work of (re)interpreting material and political conditions. Protesters’ framing of their grievances may overwhelm elite attempts to reinterpret these crises for their benefit. We argue that protest-driven crises can alter gendered opportunity structures, but outcomes are likely multifaceted and potentially contradictory.
| reyes-housholder_et_al_2023.pdf |
8. "Candidate Sex, Corruption and Vote Choice." 2021. With Carmen Le Foulon. Electoral Studies.
Existing research suggests that voters may view female politicians as less prone to corruption than male politicians. We argue that this voter belief can yield advantages to hypothetical female candidates as voters sometimes punish them less for bribe accusations. We test these propositions with hypothetical vignettes of sub-national executive races in Uruguay, Argentina and Chile. We find that only Uruguayans prefer allegedly corrupt female over male candidates, but when Uruguayans are told that hypothetical corruption is widespread, they do not prefer accused females. Moreover, voters in none of the countries prefer accused females among candidates who have fought corruption. Our findings thereby demonstrate that voters’ preferences for corrupt female candidates in hypothetical races can vary not only according to the specific justifications for the wrongdoing, but also across countries.
Existing research suggests that voters may view female politicians as less prone to corruption than male politicians. We argue that this voter belief can yield advantages to hypothetical female candidates as voters sometimes punish them less for bribe accusations. We test these propositions with hypothetical vignettes of sub-national executive races in Uruguay, Argentina and Chile. We find that only Uruguayans prefer allegedly corrupt female over male candidates, but when Uruguayans are told that hypothetical corruption is widespread, they do not prefer accused females. Moreover, voters in none of the countries prefer accused females among candidates who have fought corruption. Our findings thereby demonstrate that voters’ preferences for corrupt female candidates in hypothetical races can vary not only according to the specific justifications for the wrongdoing, but also across countries.
| le_foulon_and_reyes-housholder_2021.pdf |
7. "Gendered Incentives, Party Support and Viable Female Presidential Candidates."
2021. With Gwynn Thomas. Comparative Politics.
Women hold less than 10% of chief executive positions worldwide. Understanding how women democratically access these posts requires theorizing how they gain resources from established parties to mount viable electoral campaigns. We argue that in stable regimes marked by representational malaise parties respond to gendered incentives and nominate female candidates. Drawing on Latin American cases, we show how diverse parties nominated women in order to signal change or novelty, to credibly commit to “feminine” leadership and issues, and to mobilize female voters. A negative case depicts how a lack of representational critiques can fail to incentivize parties to back women instead of men. Our focus on gendered incentives provides a new framework that places political parties at the center of questions about women’s electoral opportunities.
2021. With Gwynn Thomas. Comparative Politics.
Women hold less than 10% of chief executive positions worldwide. Understanding how women democratically access these posts requires theorizing how they gain resources from established parties to mount viable electoral campaigns. We argue that in stable regimes marked by representational malaise parties respond to gendered incentives and nominate female candidates. Drawing on Latin American cases, we show how diverse parties nominated women in order to signal change or novelty, to credibly commit to “feminine” leadership and issues, and to mobilize female voters. A negative case depicts how a lack of representational critiques can fail to incentivize parties to back women instead of men. Our focus on gendered incentives provides a new framework that places political parties at the center of questions about women’s electoral opportunities.
| 11._reyes-housholder_and_thomas_forthcoming_comparative_politics.pdf |
6. "A Theory of Gender's Role on Presidential Approval Ratings in Corrupt Times"
2020. Political Research Quarterly.
The rise of female chief executives appears to signal gender progress, but this may not be unequivocally so. This manuscript advances a contextual theory for the role of gender on leaders' approval ratings, a key measure of "success" and source of power. I argue that because of gendered expectations and discourse, female presidents receive lower approval ratings in contexts of corruption.
The study focuses on Latin America, known for its masculinist presidential regimes and its democratically-elected female leaders. I first trace the construction of President Michelle Bachelet's image as an honest outsider and mother. Upon a presidential scandal, higher standards and gendered discourse resulted in deeply disappointed citizens, significantly undermining her popularity. Models of 18 Latin American countries reveal an overall negative impact of being a female--rather than a male--president on approval ratings. Marginal effects plots show that female presidents score worse than their male counterparts in contexts of at least one presidential scandal and greater executive corruption.
This article challenges some conventional wisdom on the pro-women consequences of female leadership in providing a more nuanced account of the role of gender in the executive branch.
2020. Political Research Quarterly.
The rise of female chief executives appears to signal gender progress, but this may not be unequivocally so. This manuscript advances a contextual theory for the role of gender on leaders' approval ratings, a key measure of "success" and source of power. I argue that because of gendered expectations and discourse, female presidents receive lower approval ratings in contexts of corruption.
The study focuses on Latin America, known for its masculinist presidential regimes and its democratically-elected female leaders. I first trace the construction of President Michelle Bachelet's image as an honest outsider and mother. Upon a presidential scandal, higher standards and gendered discourse resulted in deeply disappointed citizens, significantly undermining her popularity. Models of 18 Latin American countries reveal an overall negative impact of being a female--rather than a male--president on approval ratings. Marginal effects plots show that female presidents score worse than their male counterparts in contexts of at least one presidential scandal and greater executive corruption.
This article challenges some conventional wisdom on the pro-women consequences of female leadership in providing a more nuanced account of the role of gender in the executive branch.
| 10._prq_manuscript_feb_2019.pdf |
5. "Chile 2018: Desafíos al Poder de Género desde la Calle Hasta La Moneda." / Chile 2018: Challenges to Gender Power from the Streets to La Moneda
2019. With Beatriz Roque López. Revista de Ciencia Política (Santiago de Chile). 39(2): 191-215.
Focusing on feminism, this article describes the political, social and economic situation in Chile throughout 2018. We argue that during this year, the way in which power is structured between men and women was questioned in diverse spaces of Chilean society. This third wave of feminism, instigated primarily by female university students in 2018, possibly constitutes the largest wave of feminism in Chilean history. These events forced political actors in both the legislative and executive branches to improve the participation and representation of group that are historically marginalized according to gender. We conclude that an analysis of the origins and consequences of the “year of feminism” could enrich current debates on the quality of democracy in Chile.
2019. With Beatriz Roque López. Revista de Ciencia Política (Santiago de Chile). 39(2): 191-215.
Focusing on feminism, this article describes the political, social and economic situation in Chile throughout 2018. We argue that during this year, the way in which power is structured between men and women was questioned in diverse spaces of Chilean society. This third wave of feminism, instigated primarily by female university students in 2018, possibly constitutes the largest wave of feminism in Chilean history. These events forced political actors in both the legislative and executive branches to improve the participation and representation of group that are historically marginalized according to gender. We conclude that an analysis of the origins and consequences of the “year of feminism” could enrich current debates on the quality of democracy in Chile.
| reyes-housholder_y_roque.pdf |
4. "A Constituency Theory of the Conditional Impact of Female Presidents."
2019. Comparative Politics. 51(3), pp. 429-447.
It is widely believed that electing more women to office will lead to policies benefiting women, but women’s impact varies. Most research in this vein examines legislatures, but more women have democratically won chief executive positions in recent years. This article develops a constituency theory for the conditional impact of female presidents on pro-women reforms. I argue that female presidents overall are more likely than their male counterparts to (1) attempt to mobilize women on the basis of gender identity (core constituency); and (2) extensively network with elite feminists (personal constituency). Only presidents who meet both conditions are most likely to use their power to advance pro-women change.
I illustrate the theory with controlled case studies of female presidents and their co-partisan male predecessors in Latin America. Michelle Bachelet in Chile and Dilma Rousseff in Brazil both made greater attempts than their male predecessors to mobilize women on the basis of gender identity, but only Bachelet succeeded. Furthermore, only Bachelet networked extensively with elite feminists. Evidence from original databases shows that Bachelet, but not Rousseff, legislated in ways that statistically differed from her co-partisan male predecessor. I detail how Bachelet’s constituencies directly incentivized and enabled some of her signature pro-women reforms and how a lack of elite feminists in the Rousseff administration inhibited her ability to fulfill her pro-women promises.
2019. Comparative Politics. 51(3), pp. 429-447.
It is widely believed that electing more women to office will lead to policies benefiting women, but women’s impact varies. Most research in this vein examines legislatures, but more women have democratically won chief executive positions in recent years. This article develops a constituency theory for the conditional impact of female presidents on pro-women reforms. I argue that female presidents overall are more likely than their male counterparts to (1) attempt to mobilize women on the basis of gender identity (core constituency); and (2) extensively network with elite feminists (personal constituency). Only presidents who meet both conditions are most likely to use their power to advance pro-women change.
I illustrate the theory with controlled case studies of female presidents and their co-partisan male predecessors in Latin America. Michelle Bachelet in Chile and Dilma Rousseff in Brazil both made greater attempts than their male predecessors to mobilize women on the basis of gender identity, but only Bachelet succeeded. Furthermore, only Bachelet networked extensively with elite feminists. Evidence from original databases shows that Bachelet, but not Rousseff, legislated in ways that statistically differed from her co-partisan male predecessor. I detail how Bachelet’s constituencies directly incentivized and enabled some of her signature pro-women reforms and how a lack of elite feminists in the Rousseff administration inhibited her ability to fulfill her pro-women promises.
| 3._reyes-housholder_10.23.17_a_constituency_theory.pdf |
3. “Women Mobilizing Women: Candidates’ Strategies to Win the Presidency.”
2018. Journal of Politics in Latin America. 10(1). 69-97.
Latin America has elected more female presidents than any other region in the world, and yet dominant theories on campaigning tend to ignore gender. Addressing this lacuna, this article argues that the widespread belief that women are better at mobilizing women means that female candidates tend to invest more significant efforts into cultivating a core constituency of women on the basis of gender identity. In contrast, male candidates tend to delegate women mobilization tasks to female surrogates.
An analysis of about one thousand newspaper articles reveals that “most different” female candidates in Chile and Brazil all consistently met with female voters early on in their campaigns, evoking gender identities and promising pro-women change. “Most different” male candidates enlisted their wives and female politicians to target women, defend their pro-women promises and deflect accusations of sexism. The theory illuminates multiple ways in which the entry of viable female candidates can improve women’s representation.
2018. Journal of Politics in Latin America. 10(1). 69-97.
Latin America has elected more female presidents than any other region in the world, and yet dominant theories on campaigning tend to ignore gender. Addressing this lacuna, this article argues that the widespread belief that women are better at mobilizing women means that female candidates tend to invest more significant efforts into cultivating a core constituency of women on the basis of gender identity. In contrast, male candidates tend to delegate women mobilization tasks to female surrogates.
An analysis of about one thousand newspaper articles reveals that “most different” female candidates in Chile and Brazil all consistently met with female voters early on in their campaigns, evoking gender identities and promising pro-women change. “Most different” male candidates enlisted their wives and female politicians to target women, defend their pro-women promises and deflect accusations of sexism. The theory illuminates multiple ways in which the entry of viable female candidates can improve women’s representation.
| reyes-housholder_2018_women_mobilizing_women.pdf |
2. “Citizen Responses to Female Executives: Is It Sex, Novelty or Both?”
2017. With Leslie Schwindt-Bayer. Politics, Groups and Identities. 5(3) 373-398.
Women increasingly have been elected to executive office – both at the national and subnational level – in countries throughout the world. Yet, we know little about the effects that the election of a woman to executive office has on citizen attitudes, political engagement, or political participation. In this paper, we argue that the election of a woman to an executive could have effects through the presence of a woman in the executive, the novelty of a woman assuming executive office, or both. We test these hypotheses with a survey experiment conducted in Brazil that focuses on the election of a hypothetical female governor. This project sheds light on how citizens respond to female executives with a causal analysis in an important region for gender and executive politics.
Contact me for the article's full text: [email protected].
1. “Presidentas Rise: Consequences for Women in Cabinets?”
2016. Latin American Politics and Society. 58 (3): 3-25.
Featured in The Washington Post, www.presidential-power.com and the University of Pittsburgh’s Panoramas.
Since 1999, women have democratically won the presidency eight times in Latin America and have named hundreds of ministers. This study argues that under certain conditions, presidentas are more likely than male presidents to improve women's cabinet representation. Two mechanisms, presidenta mandates and gendered networks, appear to drive the relationship. Furthermore, because the pool of ministerial candidates is shallower for women than for men, presidentas are most likely to advance women's representation in cabinets at the beginning of their term and for “feminine” ministries. A case study of Michelle Bachelet's 2006 ministerial appointments reveals initial evidence for the argument. Empirical implications are then tested with an original dataset of 1,908 ministers of all democratically elected Latin American presidents since 1999. Model results are consistent with the theory that presidentas are most likely to “make a difference” when they are least constrained by the supply of female ministerial candidates.
An earlier version of this study was cited last year by Sheryl Sandberg and Adam Grant in a New York Times column. http://www.nytimes.com/2016/06/23/opinion/sunday/sheryl-sandberg-on-the-myth-of-the-catty-woman.html?_r=0
2017. With Leslie Schwindt-Bayer. Politics, Groups and Identities. 5(3) 373-398.
Women increasingly have been elected to executive office – both at the national and subnational level – in countries throughout the world. Yet, we know little about the effects that the election of a woman to executive office has on citizen attitudes, political engagement, or political participation. In this paper, we argue that the election of a woman to an executive could have effects through the presence of a woman in the executive, the novelty of a woman assuming executive office, or both. We test these hypotheses with a survey experiment conducted in Brazil that focuses on the election of a hypothetical female governor. This project sheds light on how citizens respond to female executives with a causal analysis in an important region for gender and executive politics.
Contact me for the article's full text: [email protected].
1. “Presidentas Rise: Consequences for Women in Cabinets?”
2016. Latin American Politics and Society. 58 (3): 3-25.
Featured in The Washington Post, www.presidential-power.com and the University of Pittsburgh’s Panoramas.
Since 1999, women have democratically won the presidency eight times in Latin America and have named hundreds of ministers. This study argues that under certain conditions, presidentas are more likely than male presidents to improve women's cabinet representation. Two mechanisms, presidenta mandates and gendered networks, appear to drive the relationship. Furthermore, because the pool of ministerial candidates is shallower for women than for men, presidentas are most likely to advance women's representation in cabinets at the beginning of their term and for “feminine” ministries. A case study of Michelle Bachelet's 2006 ministerial appointments reveals initial evidence for the argument. Empirical implications are then tested with an original dataset of 1,908 ministers of all democratically elected Latin American presidents since 1999. Model results are consistent with the theory that presidentas are most likely to “make a difference” when they are least constrained by the supply of female ministerial candidates.
An earlier version of this study was cited last year by Sheryl Sandberg and Adam Grant in a New York Times column. http://www.nytimes.com/2016/06/23/opinion/sunday/sheryl-sandberg-on-the-myth-of-the-catty-woman.html?_r=0
| presidentas_rise_june_2016_laps_version.pdf |
Peer-Reviewed Book Chapters
“Gender, Corruption, and Presidential Politics.” Book chapter. Handbook on Gender and Corruption. Edited by Emily Beaulieu Bacchus and Tiffany Barnes. Edward Elgar Publishing Ltd.
"Women and Executive Politics."
2020. Book chapter with Diana Z. O'Brien. Oxford Handbook of Political Executives.
This chapter addresses the origins and consequences of male dominance over—and women’s entrance into--executive politics. The executive branch is gendered masculine, perpetuating men’s overrepresentation as cabinet ministers and heads of government. In response, scholars have examined women’s access to these offices, which is associated with women’s broader presence in politics and institutional factors. Cultural and developmental variables correlate weakly with women's presence. Fewer studies address policy and audience effects, but this work is inconclusive. Moving forward, scholars should first clarify how and why women’s presence in executive posts enhances modern democracies. Second, new work can fruitfully integrate more insights from executive politics research. Third, scholars need to propose and test conditional hypotheses concerning the mixed impact of women in the executive. Finally, researchers should explore how gender affects pathways to power, incentives to govern differently, and public approval. Though much work remains, women and gender undoubtedly shape executive politics.
2020. Book chapter with Diana Z. O'Brien. Oxford Handbook of Political Executives.
This chapter addresses the origins and consequences of male dominance over—and women’s entrance into--executive politics. The executive branch is gendered masculine, perpetuating men’s overrepresentation as cabinet ministers and heads of government. In response, scholars have examined women’s access to these offices, which is associated with women’s broader presence in politics and institutional factors. Cultural and developmental variables correlate weakly with women's presence. Fewer studies address policy and audience effects, but this work is inconclusive. Moving forward, scholars should first clarify how and why women’s presence in executive posts enhances modern democracies. Second, new work can fruitfully integrate more insights from executive politics research. Third, scholars need to propose and test conditional hypotheses concerning the mixed impact of women in the executive. Finally, researchers should explore how gender affects pathways to power, incentives to govern differently, and public approval. Though much work remains, women and gender undoubtedly shape executive politics.
| obrien_and_reyes-housholder_womeninexec_feb2018.pdf |
“Latin America’s Presidentas: Challenging Old Patterns, Forging New Pathways.”
2018. With Gwynn Thomas. Gender and Representation in Latin America. Edited by Leslie Schwindt-Bayer. Oxford University Press. (pg. 19-38).
What are the causes and consequences of presidentas’ rise in Latin America? We first argue that the historical development of the Latin American presidency as a specifically gendered institution poses formidable challenges for women. However, recent changes in Latin America’s political context allowed the gendered political opportunity to evolve in ways that seem to provide more avenues for women to position themselves as presidential candidates and greater possibilities for success. The process of democratization and democratic strengthening opened opportunities for women to gain political experience, particularly within institutionalized political parties. Within the last 15 years, these changes appear to have combined with Latin America’s “left turn” and political crisis faced by incumbent parties to produce a particularly propitious opportunity structure for women to not only capture the presidency but also secure re-elections. Finally, some existing evidence suggests that presidentas are as “successful” as their male counterparts. Women presidents, however, draw on gender differently than male presidents in order to maintain their popularity. Furthermore, presidentas’ impact on women’s descriptive, substantive and symbolic representation is mixed and no clear trend emerges. We conclude by delineating a research agenda on gender and the Latin American presidency.
2018. With Gwynn Thomas. Gender and Representation in Latin America. Edited by Leslie Schwindt-Bayer. Oxford University Press. (pg. 19-38).
What are the causes and consequences of presidentas’ rise in Latin America? We first argue that the historical development of the Latin American presidency as a specifically gendered institution poses formidable challenges for women. However, recent changes in Latin America’s political context allowed the gendered political opportunity to evolve in ways that seem to provide more avenues for women to position themselves as presidential candidates and greater possibilities for success. The process of democratization and democratic strengthening opened opportunities for women to gain political experience, particularly within institutionalized political parties. Within the last 15 years, these changes appear to have combined with Latin America’s “left turn” and political crisis faced by incumbent parties to produce a particularly propitious opportunity structure for women to not only capture the presidency but also secure re-elections. Finally, some existing evidence suggests that presidentas are as “successful” as their male counterparts. Women presidents, however, draw on gender differently than male presidents in order to maintain their popularity. Furthermore, presidentas’ impact on women’s descriptive, substantive and symbolic representation is mixed and no clear trend emerges. We conclude by delineating a research agenda on gender and the Latin American presidency.
| 7._reyes-housholder_and_thomas_forthcoming_chapter_2_in_schwindt-bayer_2018.pdf |
“Gender, Institutions and Representation in Post-Transition Executives.”
2017. With Leslie Schwindt-Bayer. Women Presidents and Prime Ministers in Post-Transition Democracies. Edited by Verónica Montecinos. Palgrave MacMillian. (pg. 80-100).
Significant research has examined the rise of women to positions of parliamentary and legislative power throughout the world. Much less research has considered women as executives, although, this is rapidly changing. Yet, even with this new research on executives, very little of it has focused on what women do once elected to executive office, and it has often overlooked post-transition democracies. Post-transition democracies are unique because they have recently undergone regime change, they face institutional fluidity in their new democratic institutions, and they often struggle with democratic governance. This chapter offers some theoretical insights into how political institutions affect the election of women and women’s governing in executive office, emphasizing the specific nuances of gender and executives in post-transition democracies.
“Presidential Power, Partisan Continuity and Pro-Women Change in Chile: 2000-10”
2016. The Gendered Executive: A Comparative Analysis of Presidents, Prime Ministers and Chief Executives. Edited by Janet Martin and MaryAnne Borrelli. Temple University Press. (pg. 229-249).
Many journalists and scholars use impressionist evidence to argue that Chile’s first female president, Michelle Bachelet, pursued tremendous pro-women change. No study has systematically examined the extent to which, relative to her immediate predecessor Ricardo Lagos, she actually represented change or continuity. Bachelet and Lagos hailed from the same party, maintained a similar core constituency and enjoyed similar popularity levels. This chapter explores and then compares the ways and extent to which both of these presidents used executive powers to advance pro-women change.
I define “pro-women change” according to the overlapping agendas of Chilean women’s organizations, the Chilean Women’s Ministry, and CEDAW (Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women). Presidential power is operationalized to include legislative, decree and appointment prerogatives as well as rhetoric. I examine over 250 pro-women bills, the passage of 10 national budgets, cabinet nominations and dozens of public speeches. I find that Bachelet deployed the full gamut of executive powers to promote women’s interests in different ways from and to a greater extent than Lagos. However – like her predecessor – she often abstained from promoting reforms that would upset the conservative opposition. This chapter contributes to our understanding of presidential power and pro-women change in Chile, and the comparative methodology could be extended to study other male and female presidents in Latin America, and in other countries once women become presidents and prime ministers.
“The Impact of Presidentas on Women’s Political Activity.”
2016. With Leslie Schwindt-Bayer. The Gendered Executive: A Comparative Analysis of Presidents, Prime Ministers and Chief Executives. Edited by Janet Martin and MaryAnne Borrelli. Temple University Press. (pg. 103-121).
Women in Latin America have been elected to the presidency eight times since 1999 in five different countries, yet little is known about the societal consequences of having female presidents (presidentas) in Latin America. This chapter analyzes the effects of the presence of presidentas in Latin America on women’s political activity. Using public opinion data on 17 countries over eight years, we show that presidentas augment three forms of mass political participation among women: vote intention, rates of campaigning, and attendance at local meetings. We also identify three possible causal pathways by which the presence of presidentas could lead to increased political activity by women: changing conceptions of the appropriateness of women in politics, a greater sense of government responsiveness among women, and increased female psychological engagement in politics. Statistical analyses show no gender differences in the effect of female presidents on any of the three mechanisms. However, they do show that having a female president is associated with greater support for the appropriateness of women in politics among both men and women whereas it has no effect on government responsiveness and psychological engagement. Our findings, thus, reveal that female presidents are associated with greater political activity of women and greater support for female political leaders among men and women in Latin America. It is still unclear, however, exactly what specific mechanisms produce these outcomes.
| reyeshousholder_schwindtbayer_bookchapter_borellimartin_7.14.15.pdf |
In Progress
How Women Win the Latin American Presidency
Book manuscript.
“Female, Feminine, or Feminist? Gender and Presidential Voting in Latin America.”
With Leslie Schwindt-Bayer.
"Parallel Conjoint Experiments for Measuring Gender Stereotypes and Analyzing Voter Preferences."
With Santiago López-Cariboni.
“Gender Protests and Transgressive Tactics.”
With Rodolfo Disi and Valentina Paredes. In Social Protest and Conflict in Radical Neoliberalism: Chile, 2009-2020. Edited by Alfredo Joignant and Nicolás Somma. Palgrave. (accepted)
Book manuscript.
“Female, Feminine, or Feminist? Gender and Presidential Voting in Latin America.”
With Leslie Schwindt-Bayer.
"Parallel Conjoint Experiments for Measuring Gender Stereotypes and Analyzing Voter Preferences."
With Santiago López-Cariboni.
“Gender Protests and Transgressive Tactics.”
With Rodolfo Disi and Valentina Paredes. In Social Protest and Conflict in Radical Neoliberalism: Chile, 2009-2020. Edited by Alfredo Joignant and Nicolás Somma. Palgrave. (accepted)
| lopezcaribonireyeshousholderimc2022.pdf |